Politics Election 2019
- Thread starter Yoni
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The Carl Pilkington of Freddyshouse
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You can see where british peoples loyalty lays.
Not a hint of complaint anywhere on the rightwing web, landslides his local election and casually signs his oath on a hindu prayer book to be in charge of our economy
'The new chancellor of the exchequer, who will present the budget on March 11th, is arguably the most globalised member of the House of Commons. His grandparents arrived in Britain from Punjab by way of East Africa. He met his Indian-born wife at Stanford Business School in California. His father-in-law is a co-founder of Infosys, a giant Indian outsourcing firm. He swore his oath as an mp on a copy of the Bhagavad Gita, a Hindu sacred text.'
Its not the colour of your skin or your race, its a simple admiration of your culture that does it.
Not a hint of complaint anywhere on the rightwing web, landslides his local election and casually signs his oath on a hindu prayer book to be in charge of our economy
'The new chancellor of the exchequer, who will present the budget on March 11th, is arguably the most globalised member of the House of Commons. His grandparents arrived in Britain from Punjab by way of East Africa. He met his Indian-born wife at Stanford Business School in California. His father-in-law is a co-founder of Infosys, a giant Indian outsourcing firm. He swore his oath as an mp on a copy of the Bhagavad Gita, a Hindu sacred text.'
Its not the colour of your skin or your race, its a simple admiration of your culture that does it.
dysfunction
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Job
The Carl Pilkington of Freddyshouse
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Well as usual I'm pointing out facts and the ever shrinking minority of trigger happies shout racist...because its worked so well in the past.
There has been no right wing xenophobic backlash against him, because of his character and people dont start get fed with 'destroy the infidels' from Hindu scripture.
Its quite obvious...his Indian heritage is irrelevent even to the ultra right.
Practising Martins request in real time.
There you go.
There has been no right wing xenophobic backlash against him, because of his character and people dont start get fed with 'destroy the infidels' from Hindu scripture.
Its quite obvious...his Indian heritage is irrelevent even to the ultra right.
Practising Martins request in real time.
There you go.
dysfunction
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~Yuckfou~
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Here's a "Tory Bad" story for @Embattle to facepalm and defend.
Conor Burns resigns as minister after trying to 'intimidate' person in money row
Conor Burns resigns as minister after trying to 'intimidate' person in money row
Embattle
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Typical of you thinking I would defend him just because he is a Tory, it tends to say more about you than it does about me.....hence the facepalm.
georgie
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Where is he defending him?
~Yuckfou~
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The facepalm part, it's his favourite button.
Moriath
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He is facepalming the fact that you think he will defend him when what he did isnt defendable. Not that what the guy did was ok.
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Who knows what he's facepalming for. He never explains his thinking - just communicates by rating.
Wij
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Job
The Carl Pilkington of Freddyshouse
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He just drones on like a prosecution barrister in a corporate liabilty case.
Which is all very factful but not very politician.
People aren't interested in nailed down facts, its how they feel about the way the facts are presented to them.
Job
The Carl Pilkington of Freddyshouse
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Here it is for the unsubscribed.
May 14, 2020 4:00 am by Philip Stephens
This is not the premiership Boris Johnson anticipated. Nor is it one he looks to be enjoying. The leading author of Brexit and the champion of a new “global Britain”, Mr Johnson had a heroic vision for his first full year: Britain alone would be Britain reborn. The job description did not include battling a deadly virus entirely unforgiving of such grand political sweep. Mr Johnson is a cavalryman. Coronavirus is an enemy that has to be fought in the trenches.
The prime minister has been heard to admit to “boosterism”. Critics call it bluff and bluster. Either way, Mr Johnson’s political trademark has been an abiding confidence that all will be well. For Britain, an illustrious history, innate stoicism and an abundance of optimism are sufficient shield against the slings and arrows of occasional misfortune.
This month had been marked in the Downing Street calendar for a joyous celebration of British exceptionalism and its modern architect, Winston Churchill. In the great tapestry of myths informing Britain’s view of its past, none is so richly embroidered as the defeat in 1945 of Nazi Germany. Five years earlier, Churchill had stood alone.
The Sars-Cov-2 virus has no respect for national character. The planned commemorations of the victory’s 75th anniversary fell victim to the tyranny of coronavirus. The flypasts of Spitfire and Hurricane fighter planes went ahead on May 8, the Queen spoke to the nation, and a few hardy souls hosted socially-distanced street parties. But the spirit was lost to the collision between comforting nostalgia and a pathogen.
There are many explanations for the delayed and initially weak government reaction that has seen Britain fare relatively badly in the fight against the virus. Some relate to resources, some to poor management and some to the mis-steps inevitable in the response to such an extraordinary threat. But at the heart of the failure was the yawning gulf between exceptionalism and the relentless focus and organisation needed to stamp out coronavirus.
Even as other European nations were shutting down their economies in early March, Britain initially took a relaxed approach. Mr Johnson was defiant. The threat would be beaten back by “a fantastic NHS, fantastic testing systems and fantastic surveillance systems”. The great number of Britons would be little disturbed. Several weeks were lost before Britain followed the rest in locking down its economy.
Mr Johnson still struggles to hit the right political note. Defeating the epidemic demands leadership that is comfortable with the crunchy detail of policy, with an easy grasp of the dull but vital logistics of supplying personal protective equipment and ventilators, and with strategies for testing, tracing and containment.
The mismatch is evident in the exchanges in the House of Commons between Mr Johnson and Keir Starmer, the keen-witted lawyer now installed as leader of the opposition Labour party. The prime minister’s constant struggle to grapple with the nuts-and-bolts fares badly under Sir Keir’s interrogation of the government’s performance.
Rishi Sunak, the chancellor, has shown how it can be done with a sure-footed economic response to the pandemic. Officials laud him for his attention to detail and eagerness to learn. The admiration is spreading to the Tory backbenches. With some cause, the youthful Mr Sunak is already being talked about as a potential leader.
None of this was as Mr Johnson imagined when Britain left the EU at the end of January. A “newly forged United Kingdom” was on the slipway, Mr Johnson declared. “We are embarked now on a great voyage, a project that no one thought in the international community that this country would have the guts to undertake.”
With the economy in recession, government borrowing and debt piling higher and unemployment set to rise sharply, the journey no longer looks so enticing. The pandemic promises another turn in the ratchet of deglobalisation. Mr Johnson has precious few allies in his promised crusade for a new era of global free trade.
Brexit is being stripped of its fantasies. This week EU and British negotiators embarked on a third round of “virtual” negotiations about the trade and political relationship when transitional arrangements expire in December. The omens are poor. The EU side looks to the extensive framework in the political statement accompanying the withdrawal agreement. Mr Johnson’s team insists on a zero-quota, zero-tariff trade deal without obligations to maintain a level economic playing field. There is a big gap on fishing arrangements and nothing close to a meeting of minds on security and foreign policy.
Britain’s strategy so far has been to convince the EU that it is ready to step over the no-deal cliff-edge. Some ministers say this will force Brussels to make a better offer. Others do not care: the shock of no deal, they say, will be lost in the wreckage of Covid-19.
Either way, there will be nothing heroic about the outcome. British exceptionalism has run its course. The coming years will demand nothing so much as a long, unremitting slog to rebuild the economy after the ravages of the pandemic and the collateral damage promised by Brexit. Part of me wonders whether Mr Johnson will decide that someone else would be better suited to so banal an endeavour.
philip.stephens@ft.com
This is not the premiership Boris Johnson anticipated. Nor is it one he looks to be enjoying. The leading author of Brexit and the champion of a new “global Britain”, Mr Johnson had a heroic vision for his first full year: Britain alone would be Britain reborn. The job description did not include battling a deadly virus entirely unforgiving of such grand political sweep. Mr Johnson is a cavalryman. Coronavirus is an enemy that has to be fought in the trenches.
The prime minister has been heard to admit to “boosterism”. Critics call it bluff and bluster. Either way, Mr Johnson’s political trademark has been an abiding confidence that all will be well. For Britain, an illustrious history, innate stoicism and an abundance of optimism are sufficient shield against the slings and arrows of occasional misfortune.
This month had been marked in the Downing Street calendar for a joyous celebration of British exceptionalism and its modern architect, Winston Churchill. In the great tapestry of myths informing Britain’s view of its past, none is so richly embroidered as the defeat in 1945 of Nazi Germany. Five years earlier, Churchill had stood alone.
The Sars-Cov-2 virus has no respect for national character. The planned commemorations of the victory’s 75th anniversary fell victim to the tyranny of coronavirus. The flypasts of Spitfire and Hurricane fighter planes went ahead on May 8, the Queen spoke to the nation, and a few hardy souls hosted socially-distanced street parties. But the spirit was lost to the collision between comforting nostalgia and a pathogen.
There are many explanations for the delayed and initially weak government reaction that has seen Britain fare relatively badly in the fight against the virus. Some relate to resources, some to poor management and some to the mis-steps inevitable in the response to such an extraordinary threat. But at the heart of the failure was the yawning gulf between exceptionalism and the relentless focus and organisation needed to stamp out coronavirus.
Even as other European nations were shutting down their economies in early March, Britain initially took a relaxed approach. Mr Johnson was defiant. The threat would be beaten back by “a fantastic NHS, fantastic testing systems and fantastic surveillance systems”. The great number of Britons would be little disturbed. Several weeks were lost before Britain followed the rest in locking down its economy.
Mr Johnson still struggles to hit the right political note. Defeating the epidemic demands leadership that is comfortable with the crunchy detail of policy, with an easy grasp of the dull but vital logistics of supplying personal protective equipment and ventilators, and with strategies for testing, tracing and containment.
The mismatch is evident in the exchanges in the House of Commons between Mr Johnson and Keir Starmer, the keen-witted lawyer now installed as leader of the opposition Labour party. The prime minister’s constant struggle to grapple with the nuts-and-bolts fares badly under Sir Keir’s interrogation of the government’s performance.
Rishi Sunak, the chancellor, has shown how it can be done with a sure-footed economic response to the pandemic. Officials laud him for his attention to detail and eagerness to learn. The admiration is spreading to the Tory backbenches. With some cause, the youthful Mr Sunak is already being talked about as a potential leader.
None of this was as Mr Johnson imagined when Britain left the EU at the end of January. A “newly forged United Kingdom” was on the slipway, Mr Johnson declared. “We are embarked now on a great voyage, a project that no one thought in the international community that this country would have the guts to undertake.”
With the economy in recession, government borrowing and debt piling higher and unemployment set to rise sharply, the journey no longer looks so enticing. The pandemic promises another turn in the ratchet of deglobalisation. Mr Johnson has precious few allies in his promised crusade for a new era of global free trade.
Brexit is being stripped of its fantasies. This week EU and British negotiators embarked on a third round of “virtual” negotiations about the trade and political relationship when transitional arrangements expire in December. The omens are poor. The EU side looks to the extensive framework in the political statement accompanying the withdrawal agreement. Mr Johnson’s team insists on a zero-quota, zero-tariff trade deal without obligations to maintain a level economic playing field. There is a big gap on fishing arrangements and nothing close to a meeting of minds on security and foreign policy.
Britain’s strategy so far has been to convince the EU that it is ready to step over the no-deal cliff-edge. Some ministers say this will force Brussels to make a better offer. Others do not care: the shock of no deal, they say, will be lost in the wreckage of Covid-19.
Either way, there will be nothing heroic about the outcome. British exceptionalism has run its course. The coming years will demand nothing so much as a long, unremitting slog to rebuild the economy after the ravages of the pandemic and the collateral damage promised by Brexit. Part of me wonders whether Mr Johnson will decide that someone else would be better suited to so banal an endeavour.
philip.stephens@ft.com
~Yuckfou~
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It's true that Starmer is coming across really well imo. He uses "facts" a rare thing nowadays.
I think it's difficult for the government to ask people to go back to work or school if they are not prepared to do so themselves. There could be loads more in the house and still 2m apart. Let's see how they like it.
dysfunction
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Yes they vote for a personality and don't care about the important issues and facts or that they have been misled and lied to.
That is why we have Boris Johnson as he lies most of the time but you can have a laugh at (with) him.
If Boris wasn't on the ticket the last time I think the election results may have been a bit different.